Senyo Hosi, Convenor of the One Ghana Movement, has called for urgent reforms within Ghana’s justice system to address deep-rooted inefficiencies hindering the fight against corruption.
Speaking on JoyNews, Hosi stressed that the system’s structure does not currently support timely or effective investigations and prosecutions, particularly in corruption-related cases.
“The key things we need now are the reforms that can deliver the success we need, because what is obvious is that the current structure does not deliver it,” Hosi stated during a discussion themed “ORAL: Legal Delay or Deal-Cutting Sabotage?”
According to him, persistent challenges in Ghana’s justice delivery system stem largely from two major areas: investigations and the trial process. “They’ve always been problems. And of course, political will has been a big problem,” he explained.
Hosi’s comments come as Operation Recover All Loots continues generating debate about Ghana’s capacity to effectively prosecute corruption cases. The initiative, which presented its final report in February 2025, identified 36 cases with an estimated value of $20.49 billion in potential recoveries.
ORAL Chairman Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa has described the programme as Ghana’s “corruption CCTV,” aimed at uncovering and reclaiming looted state funds and properties. Yet nine months into the Mahama administration, public impatience grows over the pace of visible outcomes.
The policy analyst noted that without deliberate reforms, corruption-related cases will continue to stall in courtrooms, eroding public trust and discouraging accountability. His assessment aligns with broader concerns about institutional capacity to handle complex financial crime prosecutions.
Ghana’s anti-corruption architecture involves multiple agencies, including the Office of the Special Prosecutor, the Economic and Organised Crimes Office, and the Attorney-General’s Department. Critics argue these overlapping mandates create coordination challenges that slow investigations and prosecutions.
The judicial system itself faces capacity constraints. Courts handling corruption cases often deal with backlogs spanning years, while prosecutors struggle with insufficient resources and expertise to build cases against well-resourced defendants who can afford prolonged legal battles.
However, Hosi has also expressed cautious optimism about gradual reforms taking place within Ghana’s judicial system, saying there are visible signs of structural changes aimed at improving justice delivery and accountability.
“But for where I sit today, as somebody passionate about this, I think work is being done,” he noted in a separate interview, suggesting his critique aims to accelerate progress rather than dismiss ongoing efforts.
The tension between public expectations for swift action and the methodical pace required for legally sound prosecutions creates political pressure on the Mahama administration. Campaign promises to recover looted funds clash with legal realities that require thorough evidence gathering and adherence to due process.
Legal experts emphasize that rushing prosecutions risks procedural failures that could allow cases to collapse in court, potentially protecting rather than punishing wrongdoers. Yet prolonged delays without visible progress fuel cynicism about whether powerful individuals will face genuine accountability.
ORAL was launched as a cornerstone of President John Dramani Mahama’s anti-corruption agenda, featuring prominently in his 120-day social contract. The five-member team included prominent figures like Raymond Atuguba and Daniel Domelevo alongside Chairman Ablakwa.
Since receiving the committee’s report, the Attorney-General’s Department has been conducting investigations and building prosecutable cases. Attorney-General Dominic Ayine has provided periodic updates on progress, though specific details remain limited due to ongoing investigations.
The debate over ORAL’s pace reflects broader questions about Ghana’s institutional capacity for fighting high-level corruption. While political will appears stronger than previous administrations, structural weaknesses in investigative and prosecutorial systems pose genuine obstacles.
Hosi’s call for reforms rather than simply criticizing delays suggests recognition that sustainable anti-corruption efforts require systemic changes beyond individual cases. This includes strengthening investigative agencies, providing specialized training for prosecutors and judges handling financial crimes, and streamlining coordination among overlapping institutions.
The challenge for policymakers involves balancing reform efforts with prosecuting existing cases identified through ORAL. Attempting both simultaneously requires significant resources and coordination, which may explain some of the delays generating public frustration.
As Ghana approaches the one-year mark of the Mahama administration, pressure will intensify for tangible outcomes from ORAL. Whether the justice system can deliver convictions and recoveries while simultaneously undergoing necessary reforms will test both institutional capacity and political commitment to fighting corruption effectively.
For Hosi and others advocating systemic improvements, the focus extends beyond ORAL to creating durable frameworks that can sustain anti-corruption efforts across multiple administrations, reducing reliance on political will and creating institutional mechanisms that function regardless of who holds power.
